Presentations

Presentations from the International Video Conference, June 26, 2014

Table of Contents

  1. Folklore, Culture and Religion Cluster
    1. Folklore vs Fakelore – Natalie Konenenko (University of Alberta)
    2. The Euromaidan political anthroponymy: language of power – Natalia Lysiuk (Taras Shevchenko National University of Kiev)
    3. Facebook and Euromaidan – Nataliya Bezborodova (University of Alberta)
    4. Proving faith by Maydan – Father Petro Terletskyj (Ukrainian Catholic University)
  2. Media and Communication – Cluster A
    1. Content-analysis of Euromaidan and Antimaidan propaganda – Mariia Chernysh (National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy)
    2. ICT usage in the Euromaidan movement – Anna Poludenko (National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy)
    3. Meditation of Violence in National and International Media: the Case of the Euromaidan – Olga Ivanova (University of Alberta)
    4. EuroMaidan: A model for a “new” Ukraine, awakened civil society though nonviolent actions – Elena Volkava (International Centre on Nonviolent Conflict, Washington D.C.)
  3. Media and Communication – Cluster B
    1. Foreigners’ perspective of Euromaidan – Analysis of the three major German weekly magazines Der Spiegel, Stern und Focus – Anja Lange (National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy)
    2. Multilingualism in Ukrainian Literature: the Case of Russophone Writers and the Euromaidan – Natalia Pylypiuk (University of Alberta)
    3. Anonymous in Ukraine: The Guy Fawkes mask as a semiotic marker for memetic cross-cultural transmission during the 2013/2014 Ukrainian street protests – Peter Roccia (MacEwan University)
    4. Examining the perceptions of Ukraine in relation to the EuroMaidan: Analysis of word selections within the Ukrainian and English languages in the framework of news sites and social media – Lucille Mazo (MacEwan University)
  4. Media and Communication – Cluster C
    1. Emotive discourse of revolution in Ukraine: Euromaidan in the context of the theory of social performance – Iryna Lytvynchuk (Crimean Institute, Interregional Academy of Personnel Management)
    2. Map of Protests in Lviv – Anastasija Onoprijchuk and Nadiya Mykhalevych (Ukrainian Catholic University)
    3. Euromaidan Explained – Marta Datsyuk and Nadia Mykhalevych (Ukrainian Catholic University)
    4. Ukraine in One Minute – Jessica Pacheco-Semenyuk (Ukrainian Catholic University)
    5. EuroMaidan in Student Writing: agenda and language correlation – Dmytro Mazin and Halyna Shvydka (National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy)
  5. Politics and Social Structure Cluster
    1. Cosmopolitan identity on the maidan – Jeff Stepnisky (MacEwan University)
    2. Ukraine’s Security Forces: Over-Manned, Incompetent, Corrupt and Still Soviet – Taras Kuzio (University of Alberta)
    3. Values of Euromaidan from comparative perspective – Sviatoslav Sviatnenko (National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy)
    4. Patterns of on-line communication in Ukraine – Tymofii Brik (Universidad Carlos III de Madrid)

 

Folklore, Culture and Religion Cluster

Folklore vs Fakelore

Natalie Kononenko
Professor and Kule Chair
University of Alberta

Abstract

Folklore is the artistic expression of belief.  It is a “bottom-up” phenomenon: art generated by the people themselves and not imposed on them by commercial or political interests.  This paper will explore 3 forms of folk art connected to Euromaidan.  1) During Euromaidan itself people asserted their ties to Ukrainian tradition by painting their combat equipment with traditional Ukrainian images.  Helmets were painted to look like pysanky while shields were decorated with bucolic scenes such as those found in folk paintings.  2) After Maidan was over, people incorporated symbols of the uprising into their lives.  Tires, associated with the barricades used on the square, were painted blue and yellow, often with additional decorations such as flowers, and used as planters and statuary.   3) People used folk items to effect a wished-for outcome.  Images of a korovai in the shape of Ukraine – and with Crimea still obviously attached, appeared on the internet.  There were pysanky and rushnyky with the Ukrainian trident and rushnyky with text calling for God’s help and protection of Ukraine.  My paper will analyze these forms of expression and contrast them with the one Russian folklore form that has appeared online to date.  This is a video of an elderly woman reciting a verse addressed to Barak Obama, asking him to be a friend of Russia.  It is notable that this text is not the woman’s own composition, but something composed for her in the manner of Stalin era fakelore.

 

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The Euromaidan political anthroponymy: language of power

Natalia Lysiuk
Graduate student
Department of Folklore Studies
Institute of Philology
Taras Shevchenko National University of Kiev

Abstract

As in the time of the Orange Revolution Maidan–2013 have caused a real explosion of folk art (including folklore) associated with the tension of the current political situation.

This theme is strongly contraversive. It is the expressive titles given to the political enemies of the Maidan. They’ve become one of its striking small folklore genres which had come into use both through oral and written communication. There was a range of variety in the visual forms of these – written by hand, printed, penciled, painted etc. rendered at all suitable surfaces that had become the Maidan room of freedom of speech.

These titles we ought to attribute to dysphemisms, that is strong expressions with negative connotations offensive to some persons or groups. They were used in Ukrainian political life since the 1990s, and were widespread during the Orange Revolution as an effective political weapon.

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Facebook and Euromaidan

Nataliya Bezborodova
Graduate student, Ukrainian Folklore
Modern Languages and Cultural Studies
University of Alberta

Abstract

Social media has actively reflected the events of societal transformations in Ukraine within the recent months since the very beginning of Maidan in November 2013 until today crisis in relations between Ukraine and Russia (May 2014) as a significant media factor.

According to Tomlinson’s metaphors, media from fixed bridges of previous century’s ‘heavy modernity’ turned into multiple dialogues of our modern ‘liquid modernity’[1]. This multiple dialogue with somehow controversial and confusing meanings is presented in social media. Different social media present in Ukrainian auditorium has division due to its participants’ political orientation.

Proximity and estrangement in social networks assists constructing imagination and understanding of the others and oneself as between different groups of people according their political views and preferences, so between people and governmental bodies as well. Social media can be placed between written and oral communication, according to Noor Al-Deen and Hendricks [2] that may be referred to public forums of ancient Greeks.

The context and publications of social media can be allocated within the three main types: variety of societal communication forms (1), traditional and folklore (2), testimonio (3) according to Lotman, Benjamin, Bakhtin, Beverley.

Research of informal discourse of Facebook auditorium from anthropological and cultural prospective will give a floor for further analysis and interpretation of the role of social media in societal transformations in Ukraine 2013-2014. The collected materials includes informal reflections, narratives, jokes, stories retelling, comments and reactions toward one or another event of Maidan protests. The criteria of collection was to gather messages with informative content concerning Maidan topic available at Facebook’s publications actual during recent 24 hours collected day-by-day. Authors of publications are diverse: students, journalists, public activists, artists, academic professors, people deputies, clergies, educators, psychologists, freelance professionals, etc.


[1] Tomlinson. 2011. Beyond connection: Cultural cosmopolitan and ubiquitous media. Special issue of International Journal of Cultural Studies, 14(4), 353.

[2] Noor Al-Deen, Hana S., and Hendricks, John Allen. 2012. Social Media: Usage and Impact. Lexington Books.

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Proving faith by Maydan

Father Petro Terletskyj
Penitential Chaplaincy
Department of Theology
Ukrainian Catholic University

Abstract

In the time of political, legal, and economical despotism an absolute majority of Ukrainians solidarized in a community, which strives for freedom. At the same time faith, religion, Church became very important aspects of the realization of Ukrainians as a nation, that wants to live as a free and dignified family of brothers and sisters. Nonetheless preliminary achievements shall pass now a way of new proving in the life of everyone under the challenges of daily routines.

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Media and Communication Cluster A

Content-analysis of Euromaidan and Antimaidan propaganda

Mariia Chernysh
Graduate student
Department of Sociology
National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy

Abstract

In modern society information is a powerful weapon. This content-analytical research was aimed to study two opposite information campaigns [of Euromaidan and Antimaidan], that were organized by Ukrainians for Ukrainians and spread with the help of the Social Web. For this analysis 4 major groups in social network “Vkontakte” were selected (two representing each social movement). From these groups the pictures, which are the most similar to traditional propaganda posters (e.g. Cold War period), were quantitavely analyzed to identify main distinctive features of existent propaganda. Totally 113 propaganda posters (58 of Euromaidan and 55 of Antimaidan) were analyzed. The goal was to disassemble elements of each poster according to chosen categories and compare the quantitative indexes of these categories. Each poster was analyzed according to:

  • its media type (whether it is image only or image with text);
  • emotionality (positive or negative attitude, behavior, peaceful or aggressive mood of poster);
  • text characteristics (usage of mottoes, definitions, quotations, appeals, paraphrased text in propaganda message);
  • background (national banner, banners of other countries, monotonous background or other background image);
  • used symbols and modus of their connotation (Ukrainian, EU, Russian or other state signs);
  • impersonation of countries and their modus (image of symbolic buildings, gestures, signs, territories associated with other countries and attitude towards them);
  • presence of social movements participants and modus (image of and attitude towards politicians, protestors, participants of Euromaidan and Antimaidan);
  • presence of humor.

The study showed that virtually all propaganda posters of both movements had common or similar elements in each category. After the so-called “Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity” Ukrainian society is separated and facing the need of ideological unity of the country, thus understanding differences and similarities in these two propaganda campaigns is needed to create and develop the new state’s informational policy that will be positively perceived all over Ukraine.


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ICT usage in the Euromaidan movement

Anna Poludenko
Graduate student
School of Journalism
National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy

Abstract

The new information and communication technologies (ICT) can serve as a tool to foster citizen advocacy and engagement, as well as increase government accountability. Studding the role of ICT tools in civic engagement, we’ll be researching how they have been deployed to enhance communication and provide access to important information during the Euromaidan movement in Ukraine November 2013-February 2014. While some researchers have examined partly the aspect of some social media usage in the Euromaidan movement, but no studies of the whole spectrum of the usage of ICT tools in Euromaidan movement have been conducted before. Thus the novelty of the current article is in revealing the particularities of the ICT tools usage by members of the Ukrainian society in the Euromaidan movement. By that we mean examining the utility and the shortcomings of the tools that were used during the timeframe, the challenges different parts of the society had accessing and using them, and finally the role of the ICT usage in the outcomes of the Euromaidan movement.

Our primary research method is social network analysis agent-based model. After the gents were identified and divided into three groups: officials, members of civic groups and general public, we successfully studied their ICT usage in the Euromaidan movement related cases.

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Meditation of Violence in National and International Media: the Case of the Euromaidan

Olga Ivanova
Doctoral student
Modern Languages and Cultural Studies
University of Alberta

Abstract

The present research centers around media representations of the violent events revolving on the Kyiv Euromaidan on February 18 -19, 2014. Protestors’ clashes with the police spiraled into a new phase of the conflict resulting in multiple casualties and numerous deaths. The study looks into the way violence in Kyiv was mediated in Russian, Ukrainian and Western printed media (British, American and Polish) by studying leading newspaper and magazine articles published in Russian, English and Ukrainian. The research suggests that violence that is often a central trope in news reports can be used as a means of distancing from or approaching the Other; not only representations of acts of violence experienced by the Other carry factual information, but also reveal the countries’ position towards the use of force and terror. By referring to media discourse analysis tools suggested by Teun A. van Dijk, the present article strives to establish the general tone of the articles, the position of the newspapers vis-à-vis Ukrainian protestors and police resorting to force – whether the articles promote pity, reproach, or justification – single out voices behind each article, highlight the enemies and allies suggested by each article, and analyze the headlines. Furthermore, after having established the articles’ position towards violence in Ukraine, the research applies the concept of proper distance forged by Roger Silverstone to the Euromaidan events on February 18-19, 2014. Thus, the present study offers a comprehensive analysis of media representations of violent clashes between the police and protestors in Kyiv.

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EuroMaidan: A model for a “new” Ukraine, awakened civil society though nonviolent actions

Elena Volkava
Research assistant
International Center on Nonviolent Conflict
Washington, D.C., USA

Abstract

A dormant civil society was awakened in Ukraine on November 21st sparking a new sense of patriotism across the country. Through February, it demonstrated an incredible capacity to mobilize around nonviolent actions, ultimately creating a model for a “new” Ukraine and its institutions. The civil resistance campaign was driven by the hearts and minds of the people, who mobilized the largest demonstrations since the 2004 Orange Revolution. Through initiatives by activists, educators, lawyers, journalists, and artists, the EuroMaidan movement grew to achieve revolutionary changes. For example, an education initiative Open University of Maidan, offered lectures from professors and business leaders on politics, business, history and sociology, among other topics. Through the National Hospital initiative, activists provided patients with equipment and skills that could compete with state hospitals. Independent media outlets also emerged during the movement, such as Spilno TV, Hromadske TV, Hromadske Radio, which provide quality reporting, discussion, and objective analysis of the events. Security was provided by Self-defense units, composed of people of different backgrounds and occupations, such as Afghan veterans and Jews. Furthermore, women took the lead in direct communication with “Berkut” riot police, to convince them to join the people, effectively prompting defections. A legal initiative EuroMaidan SOS was launched to look after detained activists. Avtomaidan and boycott movements spread throughout 60 cities worldwide, calling for government reform and to stop corruption in Ukraine. These initiatives that gained momentum during the revolution, among many others, continue to push for freedom of press, government transparency, reforms in judiciary, law enforcement, healthcare, and education.

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Media and Communication Cluster B

Foreigners’ perspective of Euromaidan – Analysis of the three major German weekly magazines Der Spiegel, Stern und Focus

Anja Lange
Language assistant
German Academic Exchange Service
National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy

Abstract

The Euromaidan was a highly discussed topic in German media. This analysis will show, how the three major weekly magazines Der Spiegel, Stern and Focus show the actions and how they discuss them (timeframe: 21.11.2013 – 31.02.2014). I pay particular attention to the following questions:

General:

  • How much space within the magazine is dedicated to the Euromaidan?
  • How many articles/interviews/researches they do?
  • How often is the Euromaidan the headline/cover topic?

Political:

  • Which politicians do they talk about?
  • How do they show the political actions? Are they neutral? Do they prefer one side?
  • Which political perspectives do they see for Ukraine?
  • Do they pay attention to the Russians? Do they predict the Crimea crisis?

Key actions:

  • How do they report about the actions 30.11./01.12.2013?
  • How do they report about the actions 18.-20.02.2014?
  • (including both actions) How do they report about the government? How do they deal with the question of guilt?

Expected conclusions:

  • The German media reports a lot about Vitali Klichko. He is a very famous boxer in Germany and one of the few known Ukrainian politicians in Germany. So the majority of the reports will be about Klitchko.
  • The German media will be against the Ukrainian government as the government is to blame for the November and February actions.
  • Russia will be a minor topic.

 

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Multilingualism in Ukrainian Literature: the Case of Russophone Writers and the Euromaidan

Natalia Pylypiuk
Professor
Modern Languages and Cultural Studies
University of Alberta

Abstract

A considerable number of Ukrainian authors responded to the events on the Maidan through direct participation and by contributing articles and blogs to the various Ukrainian media, as well as by giving interviews to foreign publications. Among the better known Ukrainophone writers were Yuriy Andrukhovych and Serhii Zhadan. Among the Russophones were Andrei /Andrii Kurkov and Anastasia Afanasieva.

After an overview of the common thread in public statements by these writers during the Euromaidan, my paper will focus on Andriy Kurkov. His extensive interviews in English and French, his numerous articles in Russian, all of which continued well after the Euromaidan, in response to the Russian invasion and the more recent terrorist acts in Donetsk and Luhansk, amply illustrate the Ukrainian allegiance of this best-selling novelist.

Kurkov appears to be better known in Europe than he is in his own country. Born in Russia and an ethnic Russian, he is nonetheless a fervent Ukrainian citizen, as are most of the Russophone Ukrainian authors I have read. British and European publications always refer to him as a Ukrainian. Kurkov himself devotes much time promoting literature written in Ukrainian, as can be attested by his appearances on the TV program Knyzhkovyi koshyk, his participation in Ukrainian delegations to European book fairs, as well as the Lviv Forum of Publishers.

Despite these facts there are members of the Ukrainian Writers Union and Russian authors, like Tatiana Tolstaia, who would rather frame his works solely within the history of Russian literature. I will posit that this is a reductive approach, one that ignores the history of multilingualism in Ukrainian literature and negates the very pluralism, which protesters on the Euromaidan defended. In support of my argument, I will use the theory of “literature as system,” and marshal examples from both Canadian and Irish literatures.

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Anonymous in Ukraine: The Guy Fawkes mask as a semiotic marker for memetic cross-cultural transmission during the 2013/2014 Ukrainian street protests

Peter Roccia
Associate professor
Communications
MacEwan University

Abstract

Anonymous in Ukraine: The Guy Fawkes mask as a semiotic marker for memetic cross-cultural transmission during the 2013/2014 Ukrainian street protests

In this interdisciplinary and cross-cultural study, we examine the transmission of the Guy Fawkes mask as a material semiotic marker for protest from its origins in Renaissance England to the streets of present-day Ukraine. Although the mask has been ubiquitous in 21st-century world street protests as varied as New York and Frankfurt (the Occupy Movement), the Arab Uprisings, Gezi Park (Istanbul), Los Indignados (Spain), and Anonymous Brazil (against the 2014 World Cup), its recent Ukrainian manifestation in Kyiv’s EuroMaidan, and Kharkiv’s, Slavyansk’s, and Donetsk’s Pro-Russian demonstrations has received relatively less focus within the Western media. Using a media archaeology, we trace the development of the mask from its historical and popular culture iterations (ritual, comic books, film) through its political and social dimensions (online parodies, hacktivism, street protests) from .4chan to Project Chanology, to its current street protest manifestations worldwide. Next, we examine news photographs gathered from image databases (Google, Getty, AccuNet) and video clips posted on YouTube, Tumblr, and Instagram as a way to isolate the uniquely Ukrainian elements grafted on to the generic Guy Fawkes/Anonymous semiotic template. Finally, we compare these results against semiotic (Peirce), memetic (Blackmore), and cultural transmission (CT) models, as a way to assess the risks and advantages of the movement’s heterogeneous social structure, and to explain why the mask, so visible in protests from New York to Malaysia, has had relatively less success projecting itself through the intercultural media lens trained so intently on the EuroMaidan and eastern Ukraine.

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Examining the perceptions of Ukraine in relation to the EuroMaidan: Analysis of word selections within the Ukrainian and English languages in the framework of news sites and social media

Lucille Mazo
Instructor and Chair
Bachelor of Communications Studies
MacEwan University

Abstract

Given Ukraine`s entrenchment into deep, enduring, and significant change as a result of its disengagement from Russia, the perceptions of Ukraine are and continue to be affected and shaped by the events of the EuroMaidan. This study analyzes two news sites, one Ukrainian and one Canadian, in order to understand how news reporting in two languages regarding the EuroMaidan provides different perceptions about this situation. By examining how these perceptions are communicated through the use of two languages (Ukrainian and English), the selection of words, phrases, and frequency patterns which have been used to communicate the core information identifying this change is key to the perceptions that others draw from the content of the news site messages and their accompanying social media (Twitter) postings.

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Media and Communication Cluster C

Emotive discourse of revolution in Ukraine: Euromaidan in the context of the theory of social performance

Iryna Lytvynchuk
Associate Professor and Fulbright Scholar
Department of Psychology
Crimean Institute
Interregional Academy of Personnel Management

Abstract

The research carried out the discourse analysis of digital media materials and communication content from social nets (blogs, forums, comments, etc.). More than 1000 online resources were an object of investigation, covering the period from the formal beginning of Euromaidan at November 21, 2013 to tragic events in Odessa at May 2, 2014.

Considerable volume of studied material made it possible to reveal the peculiarities of influence of collective symbolic representations and emotive background of Euromaidan’s discourse in the correlation with various stages as well as key events of Euromaidan.

The main goal of the research is to reveal emotive pragmatics of “social performance” components by J. Alexander (basic cultural classifications as grounds of revolution’ performance and its script; narratives grounded on basis semantic oppositions; carrier groups of conflicting values; peculiarities of various mise-en-scènes determined by the values and sentiments of Euromaidan’ participants; audience watching performance and feeling its influence, etc).

The presentation follows (traces) the changeability of individual and collective emotions, dynamics of various psychoemotional conditions (anxiety, fury, indignation, compassion, offence, despair, doom, envy, hate, grief, delight, joy, triumph, euphoria, shock, courage, etc.) of spontaneous and indirect Euromaidan’ participants, translated in digital media space.

Presentation discusses the contextual determinancy of emotive discourse of Euromaidan on the certain “European values” and social attitudes of Ukrainians. An attempt has been undertaken to analyze the correlation between “emotio” and “ratio” in this discourse. Special attention is devoted to various fears as a motivational ground for such “post-Maidan” event as Crimean referendum (data were collected via the application of author’s questionnaire).

The pragmatics of various cultural symbols which provoked the strongest emotional response in “Ukrainian events” is being discussed in presentation, as well as cultural representation, metaphors of drama and sacrifice in emotive discourse of Euromaidan as social performance.

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Map of Protests in Lviv

Anastasija Onoprijchuk
Graduate student
Ukrainian Catholic University

and

Nadiya Mykhalevych
Graduate student
Ukrainian Catholic University

Abstract

A project “Map of Protests in Lviv” was created as a necessity during Euromaidan. This is an information website that collects the data about all protests in Lviv. It’s purpose is to provide people with verified information on the events and initiatives taking place in Lviv, to create a community of proactive citizens and inspire them to make changes in the municipal space. “Map of Protests in Lviv” consists of nformation about Lviv NGOs and projects, which were active during Euromaidan, daily schedule of events connected with protests, all information about military blockade in Lviv, information about heroes of Maidan from Lviv region, links to the useful resources for protesters, Maidan needs (food, clothes, medicine), photo and video reports from protest events in Lviv. Website start functioning on 17.02.2014. Since the beginning website had more than 8000 unique visitors and more than 21000 views.

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Euromaidan Explained

Marta Datsyuk
Graduate student
Ukrainian Catholic University

and

Nadia Mykhalevych
Graduate student
Ukrainian Catholic University

Abstract

Euromaidan Explained was created as a student’s project at the School of Journalism and Media Communications of Ukrainian Catholic University in Lviv, Ukraine in December 2013. We made it in English for individuals who are interested in the situation in Ukraine, specifically those events surrounding and encompassing the Euromaidan, and yet lack knowledge and information concerning Ukraine and its politics. We wanted to help the international audience in a short and clear way to better understand what was going on in Ukraine beginning from November 21, 2013 concerning its background, relevant stories, and continued events.

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Ukraine in One Minute

Jessica Pacheco-Semenyuk
Graduate student
Ukrainian Catholic University

Abstract

Ukraine in One Minute is a media project created for the International audience, specifically the Western located and English-speaking audience, concerning the events of the Euromaidan 2014. The project is the brainchild of Roman Zayats and Andriy Semenyuk, copartners of Mjoy Multimedia, with participation by four other media volunteers heading the editing, translations, news research, audio & studio post production, as well as videography of all published materials. The intent of this project was to create English news relevant to the breaking news released nationally in Ukraine and of which are limited to the Ukrainian language. Ukraine in One Minute, a one-minute English broadcast on YouTube aimed at involving the global audience in the often devastating issue at hand in Ukraine. This non-funded project highlighted the most crucial and vital news during the Euromaidan from Ukraine’s most viable news sources, including and not limited to Ukrainska Pravda, Zahid.net, Brutch, Zderkalo Tyzhdnya, Hromadske.tv, and others. Based on our YouTube/Google analytics, our project reached as far north as Finland, and as far west as the Westcoast of the United States. We are currently seeking sponsorship to continue with our project, as we feel it illustrates the Breaking News style of current affairs and news coverage, as well as it being translated into English from Ukrainian sources, we believe this brings our national relevance to the international audience.

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EuroMaidan in Student Writing: agenda and language correlation

Dmytro Mazin
Chair
English Language Department
National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy

and

Halyna Shvydka
Instructor and Coordinator of English Academic Courses, Masters Programs
English Language Department
National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy

Abstract

The ongoing influence of the phenomenon of EuroMaidan upon the opinions and attitudes of everyone involved both in Ukraine and abroad has to be thoroughly investigated and analyzed from various perspectives considering the complex nature of this revolutionary event in modern Ukrainian history. One of the undeniable features of EuroMaidan has been the very active involvement of young people, first of all, Ukrainian students, from the very beginning of its dramatic events in Kyiv since November 2013. The interrelation between the self-positioning and roles of young people at EuroMaidan and their shaping outlooks, opinions and behavior, exercised in practice or expressed in oral/written communication, is of particular research interest. The English essays, written by the Master Program students at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy within ‘Student Views of EuroMaidan’ essay initiative (April 2014), provide material for related analysis.

On the basis of descriptive approach and applying elements of psycho-linguistic (T.Harley, L.Zasiekina) and discourse analysis (M. Jorgensen, L. Phillips), the collected essays have been studied to identify prominent structural and content features. In particular, lexical, grammar, and syntax level peculiarities were traced in their connection with essay topic areas and the authors’ attitudes, so as to generalize on the rhetoric and linguistic preferences of the analyzed texts.

The results can highlight how the choice of various language elements of text construction is interrelated with the issues raised and attitudes shared by the authors. Specific links between the emotional patterns and linguistic features have been identified, including an extensive use of emotionally-colored vocabulary, prestige citations, or linguistic intensifiers such as textual repetitions and narratives for factual substantiation. It is believed that a linguistic analysis of written reflections on EuroMaidan can contribute to better understanding of this phenomenon and its influence upon the established discourses and genres of communication.

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Politics and Social Structure Cluster

Cosmopolitan identity on the maidan

Jeff Stepnisky
Associate Professor and Chair
Department of Sociology
MacEwan University

Abstract

In this paper I will discuss my research into the construction of identity on Independence Square during Euromaidan. This paper is based on analysis of newspaper articles written about Euromaidan. I argue that the physical space of the Maidan provided an opportunity for the expression and articulation of both familiar and novel Ukrainian identities. I plan to discuss at least three particular instances of identity formation on Maidan. First, I consider the way in which the Maidan was initially given meaning through connections to the Orange Revolution. Second, I consider the meaning of the “barricade” in the formation of Maidan. Barricades not only served a defensive function but also became symbolized in ways unique to Euromaidan. Finally, I will describe various expressions of cosmopolitan identity on the Maidan. In particular I am interested in the ways that these both draw on and stand in tension with traditional expressions of Ukrainian identity.

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Ukraine’s Security Forces: Over-Manned, Incompetent, Corrupt and Still Soviet

Taras Kuzio
Research Associate
Centre for Political and Religious Studies
Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies (CIUS)
University of Alberta

Abstract

In the last two decades of Ukrainian independence the only branch of Ukraine’s security forces that have been reformed are the military because of a two-decade period of cooperation under NATO’s Partnership for Peace Program. The Ukrainian military have twice refused to become involved in suppression of protesters in the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan. The other branches of Ukraine’s security forces continue to remain over-staffed, corrupt and incompetent; essentially Soviet. The de-Sovietisation and Europeanisation of the security forces, especially in the light of their criminality under President Viktor Yanukovych and during the Euromaidan and bad performance in the face of the separatist threat, is an urgent question facing Ukraine. The issue has been repeatedly put off and was never tackled under President Viktor Yushhenko.

The issue of de-Sovietisation and Europeanisation has comparative academic and policy-making implications. There are many examples of reform of the security forces and exerting of democratic control during transitions from authoritarian rule in Eastern and Southern Europe and Latin America as well as during the integration of post-fascist and post-communist Europe into NATO and the EU.

De-Sovietisation and Europeaniation of the security forces would be important for three reasons. Firstly, prevent a “Yanukovych-2” in the future from using the security forces to dismantle democracy and violently attack protesters. Secondly, bring to an end massive abuse of human rights by the Ministry of Interior which mistreats and tortures detainees, the Prosecutor’s office which is an arm of political repression and unable to prosecute high level abuse of office, and the SBU whose main purpose has continued from the KGB to be the surveillance of Ukrainians. Thirdly, de-Sovietisation is part of the process of Europeanisation and Ukraine’s integration into Europe.


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Values of Euromaidan from comparative perspective

Sviatoslav Sviatnenko
Graduate student
National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy

Abstract
Graph of Euromaidan vs Ukraine vs EU (Sviatoslav Sviatnenko)
Euromaidan vs Ukraine vs EU

Comparative analysis shows that the values of protesters coincide more with the values of the EU citizens and slightly discordant with the values of the population of Ukraine in general. So, similar as for the residents of the EU countries, Universalism, Benevolence, Self-Direction are the most important values to protesters. Moreover, all these values are even far more important to Euromaidaners than to Europeans. Actually, abovementioned dominant values give an understanding of what a “revolution of dignity” means and consists of:

1) creativity, freedom , independence, self-esteem, curiosity – Self-direction ;

2) objectivity, integrity , compassion , loyalty, responsibility – Benovelence ;

3) wisdom, social justice , equality , peace , beauty, tolerance , unity with nature, protecting the environment – Universalism.

Furthermore, protesters on Euromaidan shares collective identity, which is manifested by the dominance values of Security (security, harmony , stability), contrary to insignificance of Power (control over others , social status and prestige) and Hedonism (pleasure).

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Patterns of on-line communication in Ukraine

Tymofii Brik
Graduate student
Universidad Carlos III de Madrid

Abstract

Various social media have proven to be important in mobilizing social movements around the Globe. Ukrainians have witnessed an exponential growth of online communication in terms of numbers of communities and participation. However, there are virtually no empirical studies of the content of online communication in Ukraine. What are the patterns of online communication? How do people interact online? What kinds of topics engage individuals in discussions? In order to answer these questions I study the Maidan-related facebook page called Euromaidan. I analyze series of posts and comments from this facebook page that were publishing from November 2013 till June 2014. In addition I investigate the network properties of the ties between recipients of the information. Social Network Analysis (SNA) tools are used to analyze the spread of information via networks of people.


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